By Julian Schofield (auth.)
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Extra resources for Strategic Nuclear Sharing
3 Nuclear sharing was thought to be able to alleviate these threats. The Soviet Union’s response in the mid-1950s to superior US nuclear reach was to give nuclear weapons technology to China, and then in October of 1962 it stationed nuclear weapons in Cuba and later brieﬂy considered giving nuclear weapons to the Havana government. 4 Moscow viewed the US deployment of a wide variety of nuclear-capable missiles under partial foreign control (Thor in the UK, Jupiter in Italy and Turkey, Honest Johns in Greece, South Korea, Turkey and Taiwan)5 as part of a dangerous attempt to diffuse nuclear military power on Soviet borders.
Conclusion Nuclear proliferation races are unusual but potentially destabilizing phenomena. States that discover they have an opportunity to avoid points of common aversion may bargain mutual restraint. The early US–Soviet proliferations race spread from the Soviet Union to China and from the US to its NATO allies. The experience of German rearmament, the Cuban missile crisis, the failure of the MLF and China’s 1964 test put Washington and Moscow on course for a nonproliferation bargain which has persisted beyond the end of the Cold War.
The US’s dual-key nuclear sharing arrangement with NATO does not seem conceivable if the alliance was not predominantly democratic, nor does the US–UK–French consultation on fusion warhead designs seem possible otherwise. The test The purpose of this book is to provide an explanation of why Waltz’s “more may be better” prescription of nuclear proliferation is not descriptively accurate, given the assumptions of the absolute nature of nuclear weapons. Two central propositions of the easy deterrence sharing model will be tested on the case studies: that established major powers are more likely to enable nuclear proliferation, and that states seeking to overturn the international system are less likely to enable nuclear proliferation.
Strategic Nuclear Sharing by Julian Schofield (auth.)